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Biden was the headliner at a star-studded pair of rallies Monday night. John Cornyn warned a small crowd of supporters that his party's long-held dominance in this historically ruby-red state was at risk.
But while the three-term Texas Republican demonized Democrats at length, he didn't spend much time talking up the obvious alternative: President Donald Trump, the leader of his party, the man at the top of his ticket Tuesday.
Asked whether Trump, the man who redefined Republicanism, was an asset to Cornyn's reelection effort, the senator was suddenly short on words. Cornyn's gentle distancing from Trump foreshadows a far less genteel battle to come.
This year's election seems likely to plunge both Republicans and Democrats into a period of disarray no matter who wins the White House.
With moderates and progressives poised to battle each other on the left, and an array of forces looking to chart a post-Trump future on the right be it in or in four years , both parties appear destined for an ideological wilderness in the months ahead as each tries to sort out its identities and priorities.
The questions facing partisans on both sides are sweeping, and remain largely unresolved despite more than a year of a tumultuous presidential campaign.
After Democrats cast their eyes backward several generations for a more moderate nominee, does a rising liberal wing represent their future?
And what becomes of a Republican Party that has been redefined by the president's populist approach, and politicians like Cornyn who have been in the long shadow of Trump for four years?
Traditionally, presidential elections provide clarity on how a party sees its political future. When Barack Obama won the White House in , he reinvigorated a progressive public image of his increasingly diverse party.
Eight years earlier, George W. Bush remade Republicanism with a message of "compassionate conservatism. If Biden wins, progressive Democrats are preparing to break their election-season truce, laying plans to push for liberals in key government posts, including Sen.
Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts as Treasury secretary. If Biden loses, progressives will argue that he failed to embrace a liberal enough platform.
Tom Cotton of Arkansas, have begun appearing in Iowa, stops that they say are on behalf of their party's embattled Senate candidate there but that have distinctly overtones.
Josh Hawley, R-Mo. For Republicans like Cornyn, the battle lines are already being drawn. Four years ago, Trump mounted a hostile takeover of the Republican Party, winning the support of the party's base with a message that shredded mainstream conservative ideology on issues like fiscal responsibility, foreign policy and trade.
A contingent of the party's old guard is eager to cast the president as an aberration, a detour into nationalism, populism and conspiracy theories with no serious policy underpinning.
Former Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz. The report urged the party to better embrace voters of color and women. A co-chair of the project, Ari Fleischer, said there was no returning to the days of that message.
Trump, he said, had accomplished the goal of the report, expanding the party -- just in a different way.
Rather than engage women or voters of color, the president expanded Republican margins with white, working-class voters, said Fleischer, a former press secretary for Bush who has come to embrace Trump after leaving his ballot blank in Sara Fagen, who was the White House political director for Bush, agreed: "Trumpism is cemented in," she said.
Texas may provide a preview of these debates. As Democrats continue to make gains in the state and as the coronavirus rages there, moderate Republicans have tried to steer the state closer to the center while conservatives have tried to push Texas further right.
Hard-line Republican legislators, lawyers and activists have sued Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, formally censured him and protested mandates like a statewide mask order.
Over the summer, the party elected a new chairman, Allen B. West, a former Florida congressman and firebrand conservative.
Like Republicans in , Democrats assembled their own task force to try to unify their party after the crowded party primary this year.
The group came up with recommendations that were largely broader than what Biden championed in his primary bid but that stopped short of embracing key progressive policies like "Medicare for All," the Green New Deal and a fracking ban.
Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash. Bernie Sanders, said those plans were the "floor, not the ceiling" of what the liberal wing of the party plans to demand should Biden win.
A White House victory, she argued, would give Biden a mandate to push for more sweeping overhauls. In Texas, a rising number of young, liberal politicians believe they can finally turn the conservative state blue by embracing a progressive platform.
Two years ago, Julie Oliver lost a House race in Texas' 25th Congressional District, based in suburban Austin, by 9 percentage points -- a far closer margin than the 20 points that Rep.
Roger Williams, a Republican, won by in This year, the race may be even tighter. Universal basic income doesn't seem so radical. These are popular ideas.
In , Democrats won control of Congress and the White House. But after passing the Affordable Care Act and pushing a climate bill through the House, they lost seats during the midterm elections and their majority in the House.
Henry Cuellar, a moderate Democrat from south Texas. The mandate of the American public was to have somebody more to the center. As he waited for Cornyn to address the crowd in Plano, Mark Wurst said he had come to embrace the Trump brand of conservatism.
A lifelong Republican, Wurst, 74, volunteered at the George W. Bush Presidential Library for years.
He was skeptical of Trump initially but was impressed with his actions on immigration and trade -- policies that diverged drastically from Bush's approach.
Trump has gotten done. I don't like his tone, but sometimes you have to look at results. As researchers who specialize in higher education and gifted students, we have analyzed the educational backgrounds of the people who made the Time since the list began in through We wanted to see if elite-school graduates were underrepresented or overrepresented among the Time We also conducted a new analysis on the list and present those findings for the first time here.
Questions of fairnessLooked at differently, the proportion of elite-university graduates on the Time list has been anywhere from at least 6 to 10 times the proportion of such graduates throughout the nation.
Since their presence on the list is so disproportionate, our findings raise questions about whether the pathway to societal influence runs through elite schools more often than it does all others.
Or is there just something special about the people who get into elite schools that makes them more likely to rise to prominent positions in society?
And does it really matter whether you attend an elite school or not? These questions are particularly important given concerns about elite universities being out of reach for students who come from families that are not well off.
Definition of eliteTo examine these issues, we had to come up with a definition of an elite school. We included some foreign schools because there are prominent people who make the Time all across the globe, such as former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the late Kofi Annan, a former U.
Our definition captured the eight Ivy League schools, plus many of the top national universities and liberal arts colleges that consistently rank high in the U.
News rankings for both undergraduate and graduate education based on their average scores on college entrance exams, such as the SAT or ACT.
Our definition also included many of the top international universities, such as Cambridge University, that consistently rank high in global rankings.
Individual backgroundsBeyond whether Time honorees went to elite schools or not, we thought it was worthwhile to look at their individual backgrounds.
In doing so, we found that some people on the list grew up wealthy and went to an elite school, and some did not.
For instance, Hewlettt-Packard CEO Meg Whitman, who attended both Princeton and Harvard universities, is an example of someone from the Time list who grew up well-to-do and went to an elite school.
Conversely, some grew up well-to-do but did not attend elite schools, such as prior Time member and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who attended Trinity College in Washington, D.
Then there are some who grew up poor and made it into elite schools, such as American businessman and investor Larry Ellison, who attended but dropped out of the University of Chicago; Supreme Court Associate Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who attended both Princeton and Yale universities; and novelist Tomi Adeyemi, who went to Harvard.
In addition, some Time honorees grew up relatively poor and did not go to elite schools. Schultz attended Northern Michigan University, and Winfrey went to Tennessee State University, although she did not earn her degree until after she started her career as a talk show host.
Each of these people has a story about the path they took to achieve their accomplishments — stories that can help shine the light on what are the typical paths to success in modern society.
One reason is that the selection of the list depends upon the current editors and unknown factors for that year. It also depends on the gender of those who make the Time list.
In the male-to-female ratio was 5 to 1, but it has almost reached parity in recent years. In , women and men had similar proportions of elite school attendance.
In , for the first time, more women were selected for the Time than men — we found that the male-to-female ratio was 0.
It also pays to look at the category of accomplishment. This pattern also held for the Time list in All these factors raise the question of why the proportion of people in the Time attending elite schools has remained relatively high across time.
This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. Makel, Duke University.
Mon, 02 Nov GMT How tech firms have tried to stop disinformation and voter intimidation — and come up short Neither disinformation nor voter intimidation is anything new.
But tools developed by leading tech companies including Twitter, Facebook and Google now allow these tactics to scale up dramatically. As a scholar of cybersecurity and election security, I have argued that these firms must do more to rein in disinformation, digital repression and voter suppression on their platforms, including by treating these issues as a matter of corporate social responsibility.
Earlier this fall, Twitter announced new measures to tackle disinformation, including false claims about the risks of voting by mail.
Facebook has likewise vowed to crack down on disinformation and voter intimidation on its platform, including by removing posts that encourage people to monitor polling places.
Google has dropped the Proud Boys domain that Iran allegedly used to send messages to some 25, registered Democrats that threatened them if they did not change parties and vote for Trump.
But such self-regulation, while helpful, can go only so far. The time has come for the U. Voter intimidationOn Oct. The messages were filled with threats up to and including violent reprisals if the receiver did not vote for President Trump and change their party affiliation to Republican.
Less than 24 hours later, on Oct. The rapid timing of the attribution was reportedly the result of the foreign nature of the threat and the fact that it was coming so close to Election Day.
But it is important to note that this is just the latest example of such voter intimidation. Other recent incidents include a robo-call scheme targeting largely African American cities such as Detroit and Cleveland.
It remains unclear how many of these messages actually reached voters and how in turn these threats changed voter behavior. There is some evidence that such tactics can backfire and lead to higher turnout rates in the targeted population.
To date, the major social media firms have taken a largely piecemeal and fractured approach to managing this complex issue.
Twitter announced a ban on political ads during the U. Facebook opted for a more limited ban on new political ads one week before the election.
The U. Effects and constraintsThe impacts of these efforts have been muted, in part due to the prevalence of social bots that spread low-credibility information virally across these platforms.
No comprehensive data exists on the total amount of disinformation or how it is affecting users. Some recent studies do shed light, though.
For example, one study found that a very small number of Twitter users accounted for the vast majority of exposure to disinformation.
Tech platforms are constrained from doing more by several forces. These include fear of perceived political bias and a strong belief among many, including Mark Zuckerberg, in a robust interpretation of free speech.
The platform companies are also limited by the technologies and procedures they use to combat disinformation and voter intimidation. This highlights how the platform companies are playing catch-up in countering disinformation and need to devote more resources to the effort.
Regulatory optionsThere is a growing bipartisan consensus that more must be done to rein in social media excesses and to better manage the dual issues of voter intimidation and disinformation.
In recent weeks, we have already seen the U. Department of Justice open a new antitrust case against Google, which, although it is unrelated to disinformation, can be understood as part of a larger campaign to regulate these behemoths.
This law was designed to protect tech firms as they developed from liability for the content that users post to their sites. Many, including former Vice President Joe Biden, argue that it has outlived its usefulness.
Instead, there are growing calls to pass a host of reforms to ensure that the platforms publicize accurate information, protect sources of accurate information through enhanced cybersecurity requirements and monitor disinformation more effectively.
Tech firms in particular could be doing more to make it easier to report disinformation, contact users who have interacted with such content with a warning and take down false information about voting, as Facebook and Twitter have begun to do.
Such steps are just a beginning. Everyone has a role in making democracy harder to hack, but the tech platforms that have done so much to contribute to this problem have an outsized duty to address it.
It was written by: Scott Shackelford, Indiana University. Mon, 02 Nov GMT Western nations decry Belarus crackdown at UN rights review Western nations decried arbitrary arrests and other forms of repression in Belarus during a review of its record at the U.
The review happened to fall a day after thousands of protesters in the Belarusian capital, Minsk, swarmed the streets to demand the resignation of longtime President Alexander Lukashenko — the 13th straight Sunday marked by demonstrations against his rule.
She was taken to court, but trial was adjourned before she could put forward a defence. According to Iranian media reports, the additional charge faced by Ms Zaghari-Ratcliffe is "spreading propaganda," an accusation that the British Government says is unwarranted.
Ms Siddiq added that the UK Government did not attend the court hearing. Ms Zaghari-Ratcliffe is now back under house arrest at her parents' home in Tehran, with no date for the next court hearing, according to the Labour MP for Hampstead and Kilburn.
More countries across the continent are blocking or restricting access to social media and websites. Biden, meanwhile, is devoting most of his time to Pennsylvania, where a win would leave Trump with an exceedingly narrow path to Electoral College votes.
Snowden, a former contractor with the U. National Security Agency, has been living in Russia since to escape prosecution in the U. Snowden's wife Lindsay Mills, an American who has been living with him in Russia, announced last week that the couple are expecting a child.
The discussions are also the fifth round of U. The interim data is from the first phase of the competition and does not represent the final tally.
Reducing the dependence on skilled farmers could help ensure food security as the farming labor force shrinks, according to He Dongjian, a top agricultural expert.
That is why the Smart Agriculture Competition winner will be determined by the economic value created and the reliability, scalability, and technical merit of the agritech solutions deployed.
The winner will also receive research funding, implementation support at a Duo Duo Farm in Yunnan, and academic and commercial support from Pinduoduo.
Pinduoduo organized the competition jointly with the China Agricultural University to gather the top minds in AI and agronomy to develop planting methods to raise productivity and yield.
Under the technical guidance of the Food and Agriculture Organization FAO of the United Nations, this is the first cross-disciplinary smart agriculture competition in China organized by a technology company and university.
Through this competition, the organizers hope to encourage more young farmers and scholars to develop localized solutions that will further lower costs and digitize agriculture.
The competition has inspired at least one of the AI teams to seek to commercialize their research. And the response has been encouraging, underscoring the potential market demand for smart agriculture solutions to boost productivity and yield.
Company: Pinduoduo Inc. The ghosts of are keeping Democrats on edge, but they are hopeful that voters will make President Donald Trump the first incumbent to lose reelection since George H.
Bush in Democrat Joe Biden is running significantly ahead of where Hillary Clinton was in most polls the day before the election.
The problem for Republicans is that Trump must win Florida — and several more battleground states — if he's going to have any chance to keep his job.
Medical writing is a form of communication of clinical as well as scientific information and data to a broad range of audiences; the said content is communicated in different formats.
Medical writers combine their expertise in science and their research skills with an understanding of how to present information and pitch it right for the intended audience.
It is an integral part in the development drugs and is employed in contract research organizations CROs , pharmaceutical companies, and communications agencies.
JavaScript scheint in Ihrem Browser deaktiviert zu sein. Sie möchten das volle Programm von VOX empfangen? Laura Wontorra würde sie matchen! Ganze Folgen. So weckt Nicolas seinen Lars, wenn er morgens aufstehen will. Da staunt der Koch-King Henssler: "Oh, geil! Sendung Sprikeltrix Live Stream Vox - Heiss, Heisser, Henssler
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Film oder Serie auf VOX verpasst? Wird er einen guten Plan finden? Sendung verpasst? Jetzt läuft. Laura Wontorra würde sie matchen! Steffen Henssler Koch. Steffen Henssler stutzt Where Hope Grows wenig im Improgang Steinbutt oder Scholle? Fluch oder Segen? SO Mit waipu. Zurück Comfort Perfect.
Ist so auch es kommt vor:)